Radical Democracy, Democratic Confederalism and Non-Electoral Participation
Radical democracy, democratic confederalism and non-electoral political participation concepts are among the most vivid discussion topics of political science today. In these discussions, covering a wide range from the crisis of Western liberal democracies to the search for alternatives in the Middle East, academics contribute not only with theoretical but also with practical experiences.
In this context, Dr. Kateřina Vráblíková, who works in the field of political science at the University of Bath, is a name that stands out with her studies on comparative politics, social movements and democratic confederalism. We talked about the limits of democracy and new searches with her.
The State of Exception and the Limits of Democracy
How do you assess the effects of self-suspension of law in the name of maintaining political order on the occasion of political ambiguity or crisis which was conceptualized by Giorgio Agamben as “the state of exception on democracy”?
I am not very familiar with Agamben’s work and I find his argument very strong and important – how countries like the US use the “state of emergency” to usurp power and act in a very oppressive way that is in contradiction to their own “normal” democratic values in a similar way like Nazi Germany did. I also think that the state of exception that Agamben talks about is an inherent problematic trait of the system of rule of law and legal systems. Rule of law is a mechanism of socio-political organization that aspires to prevent the abuse of power by somehow standing above politics. The very existence of the “state of exception” shows that the mechanism of rule of law cannot meet these aspirations. Though meant well, depoliticization mechanisms like a heavy reliance on the rule of law always lead to the problem of “who watches the watchman”. That is why Ocalan’s principle of self-defense understood broadly as the primary mechanism of people themselves being the watchmen of their well-being is so important.
Referendums in Europe: Between Direct Democracy and Manipulation
How do you evaluate the referendum implementations in Europe which one suggested for the solutions to the problem representative democracy faced and which is one of the most important elements of direct democracy or the concept of democracy? What can you say about Scotland’s (2014) and Catalonia’s (2017) independence referendum experiences in line with this?
I am generally not a big fan of referendums because I think they feed some of the negative aspects of the system. We can take the example of Brexit or some of the Swiss referendums that decide on the citizenship rights of immigrants here. Referendum campaigns are often used as a tool of manipulation by political elites. Also, they are based on a one-off decision-making logic on important issues. Thus, it becomes a system where the majority overrides minorities. Of course, it is sometimes possible to use them on a correct platform but I see them more as a pragmatic tool. It can in no way be a solution to the problems of Western-style electoral democracy. If a referendum is a way how people in Scotland and Catalonia can get their autonomy one day, why not?
Beyond Elections: Democratic Citizenship and Non-Electoral Participation
You have a book named “What Kind of Democracy?” Can you clarify the participation without the election and democratic citizenship concepts for us? What kind of democracy is for our planet?
The book examined non-electoral political participation and democratic citizenship in Western-style liberal representative democracies. Activities like signing a petition, going to a demonstration, and boycotting open a wider political sphere than just voting. Because elections are pre-designed by political elites, limited options are offered to people, and they take place only once every few years. This is why the idea behind the concept of democratic citizenship is to attach more importance to non-electoral political activities. The book shows that non-electoral participation increases significantly within federal or decentralized structures. Because in these structures, separation of powers and competition produce more pressure mechanisms. As a result, democracy is tied to the existence of the state and the representation mechanism. But my answer is: Democratic Confederalism. Because this system, although it embodies some of the beneficial mechanisms in Western-style democracies, provides much more space for real “radical democracy”.
The Middle East as a Democracy Graveyard? Radical Democracy and Öcalan’s Ideas
It won’t be absurd I guess if we examine Middle East Geography’s social-political structure on a historical basis as a democracy graveyard. What do you think about Ocalan and our distinguished people (Kurds) who talk about radical democracy in line with Ocalan’s ideas and trying to build radical democracy in the region despite having so many troubles?
The Middle East has many characteristics that make it difficult or even impossible for democracy to develop: ethnic differences, sectarianism, polarization, violent conflicts, socio-economic disparities and the global order of exploitation… But the same is true for state-based liberal democracy. I can say that the development of radical democracy in Kurdistan stems from the very problematic structure of the region. Because Western-style democracy does not work in this geography. What is interesting is that radical democracy has the potential to be a better alternative than liberal democracy.
Democratic Confederalism in Rojava and Its Relevance for Europe
What do you think about democratic confederalism which is tried to build despite all deficiencies and consistent war threats in Rojava and its practicality to Europe?
I think the idea of “democratic confederalism” offers us the opportunity to develop democracy globally. It is very valuable to see principles such as participatory democracy, autonomy, freedom, stateless democracy, and struggle against capitalism and patriarchy through a living example. Of course, if Europe tries to implement it, it will face different problems. But the system that was tried to be built in Bakur until 2015 is a great example for Europe. People can start to govern themselves in small communities and thus move away from the idea of the nation-state.
